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Baccalaureate
Address:
Liberal Education and the Western Tradition
In
his second Baccalaureate Address, the President issued a strong
defense of the study of Western Civilization. "The great works
of the Western tradition are ideal materials for developing the
reader's capacity to think rigorously and independently," he
said. Developing that ability, argued the President, is "the
principal object of liberal education."
Summer
1995
by Richard C. Levin
As we
celebrate your commencement let us reflect upon what it is that
you have accomplished here at Yale.
I speak at a time when the value of your accomplishments is questioned
by many of our citizens. One widely-held concern is that after four
years of college, you, as graduates, aren't prepared to do anything
useful. Although this claim would seem to be refuted by the abundant
evidence that the rate of return to a college education increased
dramatically during the 1980s, many commentators seem to feel that
a narrower, more technical education would better prepare you for
careers in a gEdlobally competitive environment.
A second concern, perhaps
less widely held but even more fervently expressed, is that you
have been encouraged by your teachers to reject the cultural heritage
of Western Civilization, to shun the great books of the West in
the name of multiculturalism,
and to accept "politically correct" orthodoxies. This
concern is voiced frequently on the editorial pages of the Wall
Street Journal, and in letters to university presidents. I hasten
to add that the dangers of politicizing the curriculum and relaxing
standards of critical judgment have also been described by many
thoughtful commentators within the academy.
The two themes I have
identified-skepticism about the practical utility of a college education
and fear that universities might undermine prevailing values-are
recurrent ones in American history. Tocqueville was among the first
to observe closely the distinctively American skepticism about the
value of knowledge for its own sake. A century later Richard Hofstadter
traced the roots of our national ambivalence about learning to the
evangelicalism of the Great Awakening, through subsequent religious
revivals, Jacksonian democracy, and recurrent outbursts of populism.
Let me address directly
these two characteristically American fears about our universities
by answering the following two sets of questions. First, what is
the case for education divorced from immediate practical ends? Or,
in other words, how can a liberal education be justified today?
Second, what is the proper role of Western Civilization in the curriculum?
As defined by Cardinal
Newman in his classic work, The Idea of a University, education
is "liberal" when it is an end in itself, independent
of practical consequences, directed to no specific purpose other
than the free exercise of the mind. Liberal education cultivates
the intellect and expands the capacity to reason and to empathize.
Its object is not to convey any particular content, but to develop
certain qualities of mind-the ability to think critically and independently,
to liberate oneself from prejudice, superstition, and dogma.
Although the purpose
of a liberal education is to develop habits of mind and not to acquire
specific or "useful" knowledge, even Cardinal Newman recognized
that liberal education could be defended on utilitarian grounds
because it produces citizens who can make a genuine contribution
to society. Though his words put the case exquisitely, his exclusive
use of masculine pronouns serves to highlight how substantially
Western institutions, such as universities, can change.
"Training of the
intellect," Newman observes, "which is best for the individual
himself, best enables him to discharge his duties to society. If
a practical end must be assigned to a University course, I say it
is that of training good members of society." Newman continues:
"It is the education which gives a man a clear conscious view
of his own opinions and judgments, a truth in developing them, an
eloquence in expressing them, and a force in urging them. It teaches
him to see things as they are, to go right to the point, to disentangle
a skein of thought, to detect what is sophistical, and to discard
what is irrelevant. It prepares him to fill any post with credit,
and to master any subject with facility."
Is this case as compelling
today as it was one hundred and fifty years ago when Newman advanced
it? I think it is. Of course, one might argue that in the Age of
Information a properly educated person needs only to master a specific
and substantial body of information. But I would disagree. Indeed,
the hallmark of the Age of Information is the astonishing ease with
which one can acquire the information one needs when one needs it.
The capacity to make fruitful use of vast quantities of information
is what we really wanted you to acquire. And that is precisely the
object of a liberal education, to develop the capacity to reason
rigorously, to sift through information and extract what is useful
and, to use Newman's words, "to discard what is irrelevant."
Yale does not wish to produce for the twenty-first century businessmen
and women who know nothing more than the technical tools of accounting,
finance, and marketing, nor politicians who know nothing more than
the tools of effective communication through the media. We wish
you, the leaders of the next century, to have the ability to think
independently and creatively, and, moreover, we wish you to have
formed that ability in the course of reflecting on questions broader
than those involved in mastering the technologies of your respective
callings.
This brings us to the
question: what should be the content of a curriculum designed to
provide a liberal education? Surely you need acquaintance with certain
fundamental modes of organizing experience: mathematics, empirical
science, historical, philosophical, and literary interpretation.
This is the basis for the distribution requirements that Yale imposed
on you. But let me remind you that the subjects now broadly considered
to be essential have not always enjoyed this status. For example,
unlike our 18th century forbears, we consider the literatures of
living languages, such as English, to be appropriate, indeed essential,
objects of study.
Few, if any, on the
faculty at Yale and its sister institutions doubt that the great
works of Western Civilization warrant a central place in the undergraduate
curriculum. The great works of Western philosophy and political
theory provide the intellectual foundation, and the subtlest critiques,
of the institutions that organize the economy and society in which
we live: representative government, the rule of law, individual
rights, free markets. This fact alone suffices to make the Western
tradition an essential subject of study. But it is also true that
we, and I mean "we" to be inclusive of all literate human
beings, understand and realize ourselves more completely as persons
if we read and confront the great works of Western literature. None
of us is Oedipus or Hamlet or Emma Woodhouse or Anna Karenina, but
their existence enriches ours, posing for us in human terms the
most profound questions of morality and aesthetics, providing representations
in terms of which we define ourselves.
Now it is true that
some scholars and teachers explore the darker side of Western history-
the institution of slavery, the subordination of women, the conquest
and destruction of native cultures, and environmental degradation.
These are, after all, features of our history, and they need to
be confronted and understood. But this is not to say that the lenses
of race, gender, and colonialism are the only ones through which
Western experience is or should be seen nowadays, and I think you
would agree that they are certainly not the exclusive, nor the prevailing,
perspective from which the West has been regarded in the bulk of
your courses. Instead, I expect that most of your courses on Shakespeare
or Wordsworth, Plato, or Kant, wrestled with the question: what
is the author trying to tell us about human experience?
Oddly, many of those
who fear that you are being indoctrinated by the "politically
correct" have a terribly naive understanding of what it means
to study Western Civilization. They believe that studying Western
culture is akin to taking an oral vaccine: by ingesting the great
works of the Western tradition and "appreciating" them,
one absorbs the values located therein and resists infection by
foreign ideas.
But if you reflect on
the past four years, I think you would agree that the great works
of Western Civilization, taken as a whole, don't present a unified
system of values. You have learned that they converse with one another.
Aristotle responds to Plato as Virgil responds to Homer as Milton
responds to Virgil. Indeed, as Harold Bloom argues, a common feature
of the canonical works is what he calls their strangeness, their
profound originality. Each focuses on the human condition through
a different and unique lens.
Nor are these works,
taken individually, didactic. They don't contain a doctrine, a codification
of values, a set of precepts about how one should live -like The
Little Red Book of Chairman Mao. We don't look to them for practical
advice. We don't come away from a reading of Oedipus Rex determined
to ask for identification the next time we find it necessary to
slay a stranger we encounter on the road. As Socrates observed,
virtue is not a craft. One can't learn how to live the good life
from an instruction manual; it requires active engagement, thinking
for oneself about one's situation.
Why then are the Great
Books great? I think you know. They are great precisely because
they challenge us to think for ourselves. They wrestle with the
deepest and most difficult questions concerning human experience
and moral behavior, and they are so rich in their characterization
of that experience and behavior that they are open to profound differences
in interpretation. They challenge us, students and faculty alike,
to reinterpret them so that they become part of our own view of
humanity and the world. And this, of course, is exactly why the
study of Western Civilization deserves a central role in the curriculum.
Unlike works that are less enduring or more limited in scope, and
because they are so challenging and problematic, the great works
of the Western tradition are ideal materials for developing the
reader's capacity to think rigorously and independently. And the
development of this capacity is, as a long line of educators descended
from Cardinal Newman have claimed, the principal object of liberal
education.
At the core of America's
ambivalence about the mission of its universities is an apparent
contradiction in expectations. Americans expect universities to
preserve the cultural heritage, to pass it on to the next generation,
and to educate the young to assume responsible positions of leadership.
Thus, the public expects universities to perform the work of socialization.
But it also expects universities to be oases of free inquiry and
free expression, safe harbors wherein the young can test their ideas,
experiment, and explore. How can America be confident that, given
the luxury of freedom to question everything, the young will emerge
as responsible citizens, respectful of tradition, comfortable with
the prevailing values of the larger society?
Thomas Jefferson's answer
was simple: in a regime of unfettered inquiry guided by reason,
truth emerges. Thus, we should accept the conclusions of free and
autonomous individuals of good will. Of course, we run the risk
that received values and beliefs will be rejected. But educators
can minimize the risk of unwise decisions by strengthening each
individual's capacity to reason and by protecting free inquiry and
open debate.
Perhaps Jefferson's
answer seems a little too simple today. Perhaps we are a little
more skeptical than our Enlightenment forbears. But is there a serious
alternative? Ultimately, the reason we believe in the mission of
our universities is no different from the reason we believe in democracy.
The fear that students will abuse their freedom by rejecting what
is best in the culture they inherit is really no different from
the fear that voters will abuse their freedom by electing the incompetent,
the demagogue, or the tyrant. Can we really trust the people's judgment?
Here, too, the answer is that having faith in the judgment of free,
autonomous individuals is better than the alternative, which is
certain tyranny.
Women and men of the
Class of 1995, I close by asking once again: what have you accomplished
here at Yale? It is my profound hope and my confident expectation
that Jefferson's aspirations have been realized: That you have developed
your reasoning faculties, enlarged your minds, and formed habits
of reflection and action that render you examples of virtue to others,
and of happiness within yourselves.
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