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The
Pathways of Pain
Warfare,
natural disasters, and violent personal experience can create trauma
that can last for years, if not a lifetime. Researchers across Yale's
academic spectrum are pooling their knowledge in search of ways
to ease the suffering.
March
1995
by Bruce Fellman
Menachem
S. is a survivor. At
the height of World War II, when his parents were condemned to a
Nazi concentration camp, the boy, then only 5 years old, was sent
into hiding. First, he hid in a brothel, and later lived on the
streets before being "adopted" by a Polish woman grieving
for her dead grandson. While the tale has a happy ending -- Menachem
S. was reunited with his mother and father at the end of the war -- he
had nightmares about the ordeal for many years. Eventually, however,
the bad dreams ceased, and to all outward appearances, he put the
Holocaust behind him, marrying, raising a family, and becoming a
doctor. "I thought I had walked in the rain without getting
wet," says Menachem S. "But I was wrong. My whole life
was shaped by those experiences."
So it is with most people
who have "walked in the rain" -- or in the valley of the
shadow. At Yale, the study of trauma -- not the kind associated with
a trip to the emergency room, but rather the state of mind and body
that persists after a physical wound has healed -- has brought together
an interdisciplinary team of scholars dedicated to learning how
people deal with the tragedies that befall them, as well as why
such tragedies occur in the first place. Neurobiologists are currently
zeroing in on where in the brain the stubborn persistence of trauma
lies, hoping to discover therapies to heal the pain that sometimes
refuses to go away. But the investigators also include students
of Slavic literature, psychoanalysts, architects, historians, dramatists,
sociologists, and historians.
The researchers have
no lack of material for analysis, whether it lies in Bosnia, Rwanda,
Cambodia, Lebanon, Vietnam, the streets of a modern American city,
or a muddy crash site. From the concentration camps to clinics treating
child abuse, the history of the 20th century is too often read in
a litany of violent acts suffered by, and directed against, members
of our own species. To the "victors" go the spoils; to
the survivors goes trauma, sometimes short-lived, sometimes lasting
a lifetime and beyond. "All of us have narratives by which
we live our lives," says Kali Tal '91PhD, an independent scholar
and co-owner of a Woodbridge, Connecticut, publishing company devoted
to exploring Vietnam War-era issues. "Trauma is a plot violation."
The fallout
from such "plot violations" takes many forms, and
it leaves its signature in everything from the haunting accounts
of survivors such as Menachem S., whose narrative is part of the
Sterling Memorial Library's Fortunoff Video Archive for Holocaust
Testimonies, to novels like Call It Sleep, Henry Roth's chilling
story of child abuse, to the mythic tales of past injustices that
soldiers -- and governments -- have used to justify current atrocities.
At a monthly meeting of the "trauma group" at the Yale
Psychiatric Institute, Michael Holquist, a comparative literature
professor who chairs Yale's Council on Russian and East European
Studies, recently watched two videotapes that focused on Bosnia.
One highlighted Bosnian Serbs involved in "ethnic cleansing";
the other was devoted to some of their victims, Bosnian Muslims
who have resettled in New Haven and whose testimonies are being
compiled into an archive similar to that for Holocaust survivors.
"Accounts of trauma are never pretty, but some stories are
more horrifying than others," says Holquist. "These were
particularly grisly."
The Serbian soldiers,
noted the scholar, kept bringing up Kosovo, the site of numerous
battles more than 500 years ago, each of which was mentioned to
fan the flames of nationalism. "There's a timeless world of
Serbian glory that's caught up in the Kosovo epic," says Holquist.
"The way it is constantly being invoked to justify the unthinkable
demonstrates the way a subject in the present negotiates the past."
While the Bosnian Serbs,
apparently secure that God and history are on their side, told their
story with self-assured pride and animation, their Muslim victims
talked in detached monotones. "The shock that results in psychic
numbing is explicable in terms of narrative analysis," Holquist
argues. "These people simply cannot understand what happened
to them, and they can't create a story that makes sense."
This inability to be
able to come to grips with what Claude Lanzmann, the French filmmaker
who directed the Holocaust epic Shoah, termed an "affront
to understanding" is typical of those who have been traumatized,
whether the cause is a war or any other act that does violence to
the body and spirit. And while most studies have looked at how individuals
cope, there is, says Kai Erikson, the William R. Kenan Jr. Professor
of Sociology and American Studies, "a new species of trouble" -- a
trauma that afflicts entire communities.
"These can be harder
to recover from," says Erikson, whose research has concentrated
on such events as a flood in Appalachia, a bank failure in south
Florida, a gasoline leak in Colorado, and mercury poisoning in Ontario.
"These disasters tear the fabric of the community itself, and
people come to feel they can't trust anyone or anything, even the
environment, in general. It's horrifying -- you can't be more alone."
When
people bond together in times of tragedy, this "creates a climate
for healing,"
says Erikson. Shared trauma, he has found, is somehow less enduringly
painful than a disaster faced in isolation. Unfortunately, the modern
human-caused environmental catastrophes, such as the Exxon Valdez
oil spill, Love Canal, or the Chernobyl nuclear power plant meltdown,
have precisely this kind of isolating effect. "The sense of
danger stays in the environment virtually forever, and it gets into
the tissues of the body where it remains for a lifetime, maybe several
lifetimes," Erikson says. "Those people affected report
that they feel contaminated and betrayed. They're treated as if
they're toxic."
They are, says Erikson,
the "new lepers," a fact that anyone who is homeless or
afflicted with AIDS is also likely to learn. But, adds Erikson,
the feeling of being cast out of the human community is not the
worst of it, for there is another cruel dimension to trauma: the
notion that, initially at least, trauma seems to deny the very possibility
of history.
"There's a paradoxical
quality to traumatic experiences," says Cathy Caruth, an associate
professor of English who recently joined the faculty of Emory University.
"People are utterly and radically changed by these events,
which are overwhelming. And yet, despite the urgent need to communicate,
many people who have been traumatized have this feeling that they
don't own their experiences, that they're not immediately accessible."
This means that for
literary researchers like Holquist and Caruth, who was a pioneer
in trauma studies at Yale, the vast amount of writing that has poured
out of the traumatized has to be read in a way that takes into account
the delay between the event -- a delay that allows a certain amount
of editing to take place as a person attempts to make sense of what
has happened -- and the time the occurrence is finally committed to
paper. "These texts communicate their truths in enigmatic ways,"
says Caruth. "But not only does the enigma have a literary
life, it also has a neurobiological one."
At the Veterans Administration
Medical Center in West Haven, a team of Yale researchers is studying
the biology of one of the better-known consequences of trauma-post-traumatic
stress disorder (PTSD). This syndrome, which is characterized by
a cluster of symptoms -- depression, jumpiness, fear, and flashbacks -- emerged
in the public consciousness as a result of the Vietnam War. John
Krystal '84MD, an assistant professor of psychiatry, says that while
the mere existence of PTSD -- which in the past has been described
variously as shell shock, battle fatigue, and gross stress reaction -- as
a bonafide psychiatric disorder has been challenged by some in the
medical establishment, work done by Yale and VA investigators has
demonstrated conclusively not only that PTSD is real, but also why
the brain seems unable to forget certain traumatic experiences.
According
to Krystal, research in this area began at the University after
the Second World War
when Theodore Lidz, who became a Sterling
Professor of Psychiatry, started to examine the long-term effects
of combat on soldiers who had served in the South Pacific. The work
was carried further by Robert Jay Lifton, a pioneer in the study
of the psychology of resilience. It was a lecture by Lifton, now
a professor at the John Jay College of Criminal Justice in New York
City, in the early 1980s that interested Krystal, then a student
at the Medical School, in the possibility that the symptoms associated
with post-traumatic stress might have a common biological basis.
Working with PTSD victims,
as well as with rats and monkeys, the scientist and his colleagues
have since learned that certain types of "acute and uncontrollable"
stresses, such as those veterans are exposed to in combat and, among
research animals, electric shock, can cause long-term changes in
the brain's chemical messaging system. The most dramatic alteration,
says Krystal, is found in the way the brain handles adrenaline,
the "fight or flight" ingredient that is typically released
in situations of high anxiety and fear. After a significant traumatic
experience, the brain tends to be more easily provoked than usual
into releasing adrenaline and is apparently less able to turn off
the flow of the neurotransmitter.
Krystal recalls a particularly
dramatic display of this cycle of "increased activation and
decreased inhibition" several years ago in an experiment at
the VA in which volunteers were given a substance called yohimbine,
a "health food" marketed as an aphrodisiac and a known
inhibitor of the adrenaline shut-off mechanism. Relatively healthy
subjects and those with depression, schizophrenia, and other mental
disorders had no reaction to yohimbine. But when a patient with
PTSD -- a Vietnam veteran who wasn't having any symptoms at that moment -- was
given the chemical, he quickly began flashing back to a jungle firefight
he had been involved in a quarter-century ago.
Krystal says that demonstrating
that the syndrome was the result of an observable, "long-lasting
disregulation" of brain chemistry was a critical event in trauma
studies. (More recent studies have shown patterns of metabolic activity
in the brains of PTSD patients that are consistently different from
those of healthy individuals.) Equally important, he continues,
is that understanding what is going wrong has helped point scientists
in the direction of medications that might be useful in treating
the disorder. So far, much of the testing has involved antidepressant
drugs, but, probably because the aftereffects of trauma may significantly
alter other chemical systems in the brain, the results from medication
therapy have been mixed at best.
Yale researchers are
also experimenting with non-drug-based therapies. One strategy,
developed by Hadar Lubin, a psychiatrist who works at both the VA
and the Yale Psychiatric Institute, has, in preliminary tests, proven
both promising and controversial. Traditional thinking, Lubin says,
insists that only those people who have suffered a particular kind
of trauma can understand and help each other. This has meant that
therapy and support groups have been homogeneous, with, say, rape
victims in one, child-abuse sufferers in another, and Holocaust
survivors in a third.
"I'm
challenging the notion of homogeneity,"
says Lubin, who works with women assembled into small, heterogeneous
therapy groups in which, for example, someone trying to recover
from domestic abuse may be sitting next to the traumatized witnesses
to a deadly fire or a shooting. For 16 weeks of collective psychotherapy,
the women work with their disparate experiences, and although many
professionals would hold that such differences might prevent, rather
than facilitate, recovery, Lubin says "patients report that
they're feeling better. Their morale is up, they're more hopeful,
and their esteem has increased. In such a short time, it's not our
goal to cure their trauma or make them forget it. Rather, we want
to provide these women with the tools they need to deal with the
effects of trauma in their lives. We can't answer the existential
questions, but we can do something to help them tolerate having
the questions."
Dori Laub, an associate
clinical professor of psychiatry who has treated many victims of
Nazi persecution, told of hearing these chilling words from a Holocaust
survivor: "Once at Auschwitz, always at Auschwitz." Substitute
for the Nazi death camp the names Khe Sanh, Hiroshima, Bhopal, Sarajevo,
or any other location in which people are the victims of natural
or unnatural disasters, and the assessment of the aftermath of trauma
would read the same. Some wounds never completely heal.
And yet, although the
lives of the victims may be forever altered, there are ways to make
accommodations and go on living, says Laub, who spent part of his
early childhood in a concentration camp. Memories of the experience -- seeing
a hanging, talking to a man who had been flogged -- are forever seared
into his mind; dealing with them, however, had to wait for many
years because of a phenomenon well known to anyone who has been
traumatized. "We avoid knowing," says Laub.
Indeed,
when the self has been violated by some monstrous act, there's
a natural tendency, says the psychiatrist, to deny that anything
ever happened. Although the truth may surface in nightmares, people
can often successfully repress their history for decades. But as
the victims age, says Laub, they seem to experience a need to tell
their story -- and bear witness.
From this need was born
the Fortunoff Video Archive, a project Laub helped launch in 1981
to store the taped testimonies, some of them from patients, that
the psychiatrist and his colleagues had begun collecting two years
earlier. There are more than 3,300 tapes in the Archive, and Laub
is now hoping to establish a Yale center for the study of genocide,
violence, and trauma. "You have to know the shadow so you can
avoid it," he says. "Not knowing, either individually
or politically, is a most dangerous thing."
Werner Bohleber, a German
psychiatrist who is president of the Frankfurt Psychoanalytical
Society, would certainly agree. Last December, Bohleber was a guest
speaker at the monthly meeting of the VA trauma researchers' group,
where he presented an account of his analysis of a patient who was
burdened by a hellish past. During the Second World War, the man's
father had been a doctor at the Nazi concentration camp in Buchenwald
and had committed numerous atrocities. Rather than face a war crimes
tribunal, the father fled to Saudi Arabia. As a youngster, the son
did not know the full extent of his father's crimes -- that came out
during therapy in the 1980s -- but the father's absence for most of
the boy's childhood and the secrecy that pervaded his upbringing
hinted at the truth. When the boy reached his 30s, the past overwhelmed
him.
"He was carrying
the guilt repressed by his parents," says Bohleber. "There's
unfinished business in the second generation, for only when you
acknowledge the past can you be free. Our task is to deal with it
and not forget it. Even though it is painful, we can't -- we mustn't -- avoid
this work."
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